The Islam Believers in the Post-Modern World

Each philosophy of leaders commits to a force that is all-encompassing. Within the westwardern construct, the "invisible render" of the free-market can only do it's duty when economies are opened: it is an ideally flexible system, compatible with the dictates of business. Within the Muslim construct, rough feel the Islamic state can only go through its obligation to Allah if attempts to modernize are stifled and Westernization is controlled: it is an ideally harsh system, compatible with the dictates of the Koran.

Political author and foreign affairs editorialist Thomas L. Friedman, in his book The Lexus and the Olive Tree, highlights the struggle of Muslims in an increasingly globalized(and increasingly Americanized) terra firma. The backlash among Muslims against globalization is multilateral: "in the Middle East," writes Friedman, "afundamentalists of some(prenominal) stripes have become highly adept at weaving the heathen, political, and stinting backlashes against globalization into 1 flag and matchless broad political movement that seeks to analyze power and pull down a veil against the worldly concern". The point, he asserts, is that between Muslim states and Western states, cultural diversity is vast, and "the greater the discrepancy between a country's cultural norms and the norms of the globalization system, the more wrenching will be the process of adapting to it".

such cultural discrepancies can obviousl

Haught, pack A. Holy Hatred: Religious Conflicts of the 90s. New York: Prometheus Books, 1995.

However, as Mazrui points out, in many ways Muslim societies are ahead of the West in the quest for gender equality. Islamic law has ever so allocated shares from every inheritance to both daughters and sons. Muslim women have been voter turnout in elections in Pakistan, Iran, Iraq, and Afghanistan for decades, and have elected pistillate rush ministers in many nations in the process. The United States has certainly non achieved such a feat. "Muslim countries," explains Mazrui, "are ahead in female empowerment, though still behind in female liberation". Clearly, the scales are a bit more equilibrize than has been assumed.

For Muslim states, the thought of losing national sovereignty under economic consolidation is abhorrent to many, particularly fundamentalist thinkers. Economic consolidation with the world at large obviously opens the floodgates for Western burnish and media; and as Akbar S. Ahmed attests in History Today, "athe cultural invasion of westward media imagesathe stereotypes of Islam in the Western mediaacoupled with the indifference of the west[to Muslims], combine to create a focus on the West as the enemy". Indeed, subway to globalization seems to divide the planet into two camps, with Islam on the one side and the West on the other.

Ahmed, Akbar S. "Islam's Crossroads." History Today. June, 1999. V49 i6 pp.24.

The West is well-off in this endeavor of globalization. It's culture and media are dominant, and so it carry not fear any large-scale subversion of it's cultural identity at home. The Muslim states have more on the line. Emerging from a troubled and bloody 20th speed of light, many issues are still not resolved, and fundamentalists are quick to exacerbate the inter-Muslim struggle for a modern identity. Even Ali A. Mazrui admits that the Muslim world is a few decades behind. Though better than a century behind, in an age in which a laptop
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