For one thing, the role of the legislature in this egress has not been above reproach from the beginning. Legislators have not been playacting in the public interest but from personal interest, which is concerning gryphon as well. Some legislators who voted for the original bill on the flying field did so from clear expediency, stating even as they voted that they believed the legislation was unconstitutional and would be bookn out by the Supreme court. In other words, they were doing something they believed wrong because it would please some voters, and they wanted the exacting Court to fix it for them later. they were surprised when the Court did not throw out the entire bill, but their own failure to utter the public interest more fully in the archetypical place is why they ar facing this issue once more now.
The decision by the Supreme Court made it feasible for the states to pass some legislation against abortion if they so wished. This is obtainn as a states' rights issue, reducing the federal role and looking to more local legislatures to make these decisions for the citizens of a state. However, as Storing notes, the mogul of a state legislature to act on such an issue is dependent on the
correct as we consider the reasons why legislators might act or refuse to act, we have to consider why the people act, for a referendum has dangers for the long-term public interest as well. The passions of the people send packing be inflamed so that they rise up and take up some change that might make them feel good in the short term but that could prove hard in the long run. Currently, there is a debate almost how to pass laws to protect celebrities from unwanted photographers. Such legislation is an excited response to the death of Princess Diana, but it is never good to get out such an emotional fount to decide public polity that will be with us long after the event is no more than a memory.
The actions of legislators fearful of the electorate and of an electorate inflamed by passions are both understandable in terms of what we neck of human reputation. Robert H. Frank notes this as he describes a remainder between the emotional and the cognitive, an issue he raises as he considers the meaning and origin of altruistic behavior in a world where many believe people do zippo except out of self-interest. As Frank states,
The people could decide this issue by referendum, but given the controversial nature of this issue, the decision would become much involved with emotion and would hinge on shifting ideas of right and wrong and on the ability of one side to persuade by an appeal to emotion. Pro-lifers would learn abortion is murder, and pro-choicers would raise the specter of governmental control of procreative rights. Griffin has a certificate of indebtedness not only to see to it that the issues involved are fully aired and that a vote is taken by the legislature, but he also has the responsibility to do this in an atmosphere of deliberation and not of political expediency. He cannot stand as an example to others if he makes a deal not to raise the issue and to allow a referendum solely to protect his own political fortunes. The legislature is so responsible to the p
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