Arab-speaking states

It is perhaps difficult for citizens of the western United States to understand that many citizens of Arab states see themselves as besieged by the West. In the aftermath of the oil shock brought about by OPEC, many in the West have viewed the Arab gulf states at least as nearly omnipotent and have piffling understanding and little sympathy for Arab portrayals of themselves as still settled and oppressed people. But it would be mistake in impairment of both cross-cultural understanding and public policy to under-estimate the misgiving and fear that Arab communities still a good deal hold in birth to the West, an attitude that came to the fore very quickly during the Gulf War, during American attacks on Iraq and even during the current military intervention in the Balkans (Maksoud, 1992, p. B7).

To discover the basis for the idea of pan-Arabism one can either go back a half-century or a shape of centuries, depending on whether one wishes to examine the proximal or the more(prenominal) deep-rooted sources of this regional political movement. One of the most profound of the proximal causes occurred in 1943, when the Egyptian government first proposed the Arab League, or the League of Arab States. This proposal was prompted by the desire on the partially of Egypt and several otherwise Arab states to have closer cooperation with their neighbors without sacr

Ross, M. (1991, Feb. 12). The Arabs: Divisions beyond the stereotype). The Los Angeles Times, p. A5.

The Arab League and other pan-Arab movements have often been viewed from the perspective of the West as based primarily in either political affinity or religious (i.e. Islamic) fraternity, further in fact the league is in many ship canal an economic entity and much of the motivating forces behind pan-Arabism have been attempts to decrease economic barriers among Arab- accosting countries.

The Arab League has served as a platform for the pen and conclusion of almost all landmark documents promoting economic desegregation among member states, such as the creation of the Joint Arab scotch Action Charter, which set out the principles for economic activities of the league and has sought-after(a) to create unified public policy around such issues of economic concern as the treatment of foreign workers in the Arab world.

The Arab League is the most inclusive symbol of pan-Arabism, and it in that respectfore it is teetotal (although probably unavoidable) that it should in some ways be weaker than other pan-Arab movements. By seeking to serve so many antithetical cultural, political and economic needs of members with such very unlike cultures and political positions, the league has often found itself unable to speak with a united voice. This was perhaps most apparent in its rejection of Egypt after that Arab-speaking country signed a treaty with Israel (although Egypt was posterior allowed to rejoin). While it is technically the Arab language that binds the league and its member nations together, there have always been deep rifts among those nations as well.

After ridding itself of the colonial presence of the British, Nasser and the Egyptians were in no mood to take on another overlord, and in the wake of the conference that produced the British withdrawal, Nasser espoused a policy of non-alignment. Although technically this meant the Egypt (like other non-aligned nations) would pl
Ordercustompaper.com is a professional essay writing service at which you can buy essays on any topics and disciplines! All custom essays are written by professional writers!