Politics and society in the late roman republic

Politics and society in the late papistic republicPolitics and Society in the Late Roman majority ruleAugustus reticuloendothelial systemtoration of the res publica was all a sham, a facade toilet which lurked monarchy. Discuss The issue of the res publica occurred in 27 BC when Gaius Octavius returned his origins to the senate and adduce of Rome. This restoration is a oft debated national in modern books with particular emphasis placed on the word restoration, as much of the res publica appears to give birth been convertd, albeit foundation a troops issue of traditionalistic institutions. A take of scholars support the above statement suggesting the res publica from this point onwards was a monarchy in all alone name (Eck, Jones and Wiseman). This essay entrust however take the alternate view along with a number of contemporary scholars, most notably Millar, Segal and S all(prenominal) the idea that Augustus wished to restore the res publica, just now withal needed to react to the events of the period so as to champion the traditional set of the Roman people. Augustus did however slide towards monarchy during this period, but various authors offer differing dates at which the facade begins to occur. The first point to be discussed is that of Augustus and his tie in with the Roman armed services machine, which can be viewed at first in purely monarchic terms, this reading however can also imply a much more traditional approach towards republican value. The introduction of the fifth column games or Ludi Troiani for example is a return to a much fourth-year tradition based within the early sixth century BC (Virgil Aeneid V.596-601, Suet. Aug. 43.2, Severy 2003 82-3, Taylor 1924 161). This and the reintroduction of other public events such as the worldly games can be seen as a return to res publica in its earliest stratum and thus infers an attempt to restore it. Scholars such as Rostovtzeff however theorize of the Ludi Troian i as an attempt to convince the younger patrician generation that a singular leader would not harm t successor interests in terms of military glorification (Jones 1960 16). The return of such military games also reinforced military discipline, reducing the chance of further civil wars and defection in the under booted generation (Vel. Pat. 2.64). This does not however hit to suggest an idea of purple rule as disciplinewas an primal part of the Roman military passim its history (Goldsworthy 2003 33). The major controversy surrounding the army is that of Augustus use of his all-embracing family in the major military federal agencys from the 10s BC onwards (Eck 2007 80). This however is at least 10 long time into the new res publica, suggesting that this idea was right rather than an early attempt to introduce monarchy. One event in particular could be linked to this Cornelius Gallus in Egypt, the prefect placed here(predicate) due to his friendship with Augustus was later ac cused of treachery and ended his conduct after disobeying the senate (Eck 2007 60, Eck 1984 131, Dio Cass. 53.23). This episode in the early stages of the res publica must have shaken both the senate and Augustus himself to begin with due to the fact that three legions were kind in this province (Shotter 2007 100, Strabo Geog. 17.12, Syme 1933 25). The senate reformations atomic number 18 also a much discussed topic as a change in Augustus powers (Wiseman 1971 10-12). The first, genuine reduction in the senate occurred in 29 BC and appears to have removed senators on a voluntary basis (Dio Cass. 52.42, Wiseman 1971 10) allowing a majority of princeps italiae to remain. This chemical group is viewed as Augustus powerbase in this period, featuring prominently in his elevation to Pontifex Maximus. The appointment however had previously been offered by the Roman people (RG 10, Suet. Aug. 31.1), suggesting that Augustus was respecting tradition by waiting for both the conclusion o f the previous Pontifex and approval from the senate. The next of the lectiones, 19 and 11 BC appear to have forced senators to leave, replacing them with Augustus profess supporters (Eck 2007 80, Wiseman 1971 10-11, RG 8, Dio Cass. 54.13). This reformation appears to mark a turn towards monarchy, as Augustus gains the majority within the senate. Prior to this point Augustus had scarce used his auctoritas and financial advantages to keep the res publica stable (Eck 2007 53-4, RG 34). The first closure of 27BC is the point at which Augustus returned the republic to the senate and people of Rome (res publica restituta) by relinquishment his triumviral powers and abolishing any of the enactments not legally ratified by the senate during the triumvirate (RG 34, Ov. Fast. 1.589, Severy 2003 45-6). Dio however argues that the caretakership inclined to Augustus at the senates suggestion was merely a front to the monarchical intentions of the princeps senatus (Dio Cass. 52.1, 53.11.4, Vitruvius preface, Hor. Odes 3.14.15, Wallace-Hadrill 1993 14-15, Eck 2007 52). As a source, Dio is not a contemporary, penning around 200 years later. This relates his thoughts to a period in which contemporaries such as Ovid and Velleius Paterculus were writing (Vell. Pat. 2.89, Ov. Fast. 1.589). Augustus retained his consulship until the second settlement of 23BC, meaning that Augustus was still in gush as a traditional magistrate minus the limitation of one consulship per 10 years (Jones 1960 4-5). It was however during the first settlement that Augustus received control of a number of provinces including Spain, Gaul and Egypt rather than the senate, due to the rebellious nature of these provinces as proven by later campaigns (Vel. Pat. 2.90, Suet. Aug. 21). The other provinces were returned to senatorial control utilise the old governing body of governorship. This would also suggest the reasonableness for the large military presence in these areas. As well as this Augustu s is stated to have returned the provinces of Gallia Narbonensis and Cyprus in 22BC (Brunt Moore 1988 9). Other modern sources infer that the high add up of legions in these areas were due to Augustus wish to maintain military supremacy (RG 16, Dio Cass. 55.25.1-3, Severy 2003 85-7, Eck 2007 51-2). This decrease the chances of further accomplished wars by associating the military with one key group of people rather than the pilot rotational system prior to the Civil wars as by rooting the military to a set number of trusted individuals the army itself was permanently tied to Rome itself rather than its generals. The form of address of Augustus itself, given by the senate in 27BC conveys much meaning about his sexual intercourse power. The name is taken from August, associated with the sacred and auguries (Wallace-Hadrill 1993 16, Ov. Fast. 1.596-616). This relationship gives Augustus an implicit link to the churchman power of Rome and also suggests monarchical intentions. The name Augustus can also be seen as a legal agnomen conferred upon him by the senate at the end of the triumvirate and the first of his guardianship of the state. Augustus and contemporary sources however do not refer to the name as an implication of power, but utilise it as a new image to that of Octavian primarily due to its association with the triumvirate. This change of image is illustrated particularly after the first settlement, when Augustus melted down 80 silver statues of Octavian, then dedicated the value in golden tripods to Apollo (RG 24, Severy 2003 59). This infers that that his image, previously that of a dictator was changed to the man who restored the res publica(Eck 1984 136, Severy 2003 47). Augustus also received a number of accolades from the senate and people of Rome, the first of which is the corona civis (Severy 2003 46, Wallace-Hadrill 1993 17). This was a palm of oak given to one who has saved the life of a roman citizen and is depicted on a number of coins (RG 34,Mattingly 1923 3.14, 18.6). It has also been used to pay the saving of Rome during history. Cicero for example is reputed to have received the same honour for his acts during the Catiline conspiracy (Moralee 200467). This honour is thusly defined within the traditions of the res publica (Severy 2003 46), suggesting that the senate was restored to its precedent establishmental form. The corona civis however also implies a permanent debt to those who gave it (Wallace-Hadrill 1993 17) in this case the senate and people of Rome, inferring that these groups will forever remain clients to Augustus. The second of the awards attributed to Augustus was that of a golden shield displaying the major virtues of courage, clemency, justice and piety which was awarded to Augustus as protector of the res publica (Hor. Odes 3.2-6, RG 34, Severy 2003 46, Wallace-Hadrill 1993 17, Yavetz 1984 4-5). This suggests that the senate required Augustus to act in such a delegacy as to control t he army and subsequently the state. The riots in 22BC illustrate this as when Augustus denies the consulship the people fear for the state (Dio Cass. 54.1, Brunt Moore 1988 44). These honours form part of Augustus image, primarily in that they respect the tradition of previous magistrates, as the honours are left outside of the domus. This infers a return to early divisions of public and private, portrayed by Augustus himself (Severy 2003 47, Dio Cass. 53.16.4). The second settlement of 23BC is a further point at which Augustus appears to take control of the empire, and to slightly marks the maturity of the Imperial system (Severy 2003 49, Shotter 2007 100). This was however defined again with magisterial terms, suggesting a role above others in the senate, yet limited to a set number of 5 years (Severy 2003 49). Augustus relinquished the consulship which he had held since 27 BC due to ecumenical consent (RG 34). He instead received the tribunitia potestas and imperium proconsula re maius. These powers gave Augustus the authority to manipulate but not control the senate, as the right to veto and call soupcon senate meetings meant that the body was effectively under his control (Shotter 2007 100, Wallace-Hadrill 1993 14). This period appears to mark the bloodline of the facade of singular rule. Complete control however is not gained until the title of pater patriae is acquired. The major turning point from res publica to facade appears to occur in the third settlement, a new notion attributed to 19, 18 and 11BC with the introduction of a number of laws (leges) that completely change republican ideals (Severy 2003 50, 56). The laws relating to marriage named lex Julia de martinandins ordinibus, for example were intentional to encourage reproduction amongst the orders particularly within the patrician order (Lintott 2010 117). This light-emitting diode to a drastic cut in terms of senatorial authorization for those of the next generation, instead needing to rely on the generosity of Augustus and later rulers to generate up the required property allowance. The law also had another important aspect in that it caused a break from traditional patronage values as freedmen were forced to break their oaths of marital chastity to their patrons(Digest 37.14.6.4, 23.2.19, Severy 2003 56). This law therefore decreased the nobles relationship between patron and client, whilst further increasing Augustus own association with the people (Shotter 2007 100, Eck 2007 51). Another law that greatly affected traditional republican values was that which regarded adultery, known as the lex Julia de adulteriis. This law reduced the power of the pater familias while increasing Augustus own, as prior to the introduction of this law issues regarding adultery were under the control of the pater familias (Severy 2003 51, 56, Yavetz 1984 13). The introduction of such laws infer that Augustus was tending towards monarchical rule, and by placing family within th e legal status of Roman citizenship, completely changed the values of the res publica (Eck 1984 131, Severy 2003 52). This allowed the placing of himself as pater of all Romans suggesting a monarchical threat to the original constitution of the res publica.The use of Augustus family from 24BC appears to indicate a change of trouble towards monarchy. The first of the members, Marcellus was allowed to run for consulship in 24BC, Syme sees this as an attempt to establish an heir (Syme 1939 342-3, Jones 1960 6-7 Dio Cass. 53.31.1). Others however disagree, especially as contemporary sources cannot be certain of the observable heir as a successor (Jones 1960 6-7). This infers that none knew of Marcellus as heir, and some secondary sources appear to believe that the mention of Marcellus in the Aeneid (Virgil Aeneid 8.860-85, Dio Cass. 53.30.5-6) suggests his apparent role in Augustus life mentioning him as a good Roman and with no mention of a formal relationship between the two charact ers. The Secular Games (Ludi Saeculares) however appear to contradict the idea of the establishment of a regal family, as the games although heavily linked to the idea of the family, have little mention of any of Augustus relatives (Severy 2003 57, Beard, North value 1998 71-2, Suet. Aug. 91.2). This infers that Augustus did not wish to portray his family during the games for this reason by 9BC however the family appears to have become heavily involved in political terms illustrated by dint of the building of the ara pacis and their portrayal on the monument (Syme 1939 389, Wallace-Hadrill 1993 70-75). The Games themselves still suggest a return to the Res Publica as they are a traditional event held every 100-110 years to concur with the complete renewal of the previous attending population (Beard, North Price 1998 201-6). This infers that Augustus was attempting to keep important events associated with the original Res Publica but also gives the proceeding a new direction in comparison to that of the traditional through its increased association with the family unit (Wallace-Hadrill 1993 70-1).To conclude Augustus did not begin with the fix intention of becoming a monarch, or creating a facade behind which he ruled. Augustus instead reacted to the events of the period realising throughout his prolonged guardianship of the state that a single governmental position is required to maintain the pax Romana. This was indeed achieved during his reign, but still within the definitions of the older constitution of the res publica. It was Tiberius, successor to Augustus that first officially began sole rule. The supposed sham of the restoration of the res publica is therefore similar to a constitutional fracture which had been occurring since the beginning of the government itself. If a point at which Augustus began to obviously affect the constitution needed to be chosen, it would be that of the law changes in of 19-11BC as this radically affected the people and their associated rights rather than the senate alone. These law changes caused a complete shift in the roles of both Augustus and that of a traditional Roman father figure. On the surface this change in the pater potestas appears minimal, but in reality caused the spill of some of the overlying ideas of the res publica in relation to the family unit, incorporating Augustus within every aspect of life.